Tuesday, September 22, 2015

Wobbly times number 187

Another afternoon at Jen's and Mike's

                                              (my ZoggyDoggy videos are here)

Wobbly times number 186

It takes a leap of faith to believe intelligence existed before intelligence evolved. It also takes a leap of faith to give credence to hypotheses concerning the existence of parallel universes and less of a leap of faith to believe other intelligence has developed somewhere in "this" universe, composed of trillions and trillions of stars.


I'm not you, even though I share a hell of lot in common with you--for example, your race. I am also a member of the human race.
I am not white.  If I was white, my face would not be visible this photo. Some would say that I'm surely the social product of white culture. When they say, 'white culture', they mean to fence me into only being culturally influenced by a very narrow ideolgical construct, perhaps, Doris Day. Poor Doris, poor me. Hell, Doris Day was influenced by 'Black culture'. We're all culturally influencing each other all the time, except when the dominant political authority segregates us from each others' cultural influence.

I am an advocate for freedom.  I am an advocate for individual sovereignty. Individual sovereignty is contained within the concept and reality of freedom. I can see that other people are being dominated by people with power.  My question is:  Where does political power come from?

The answer I've developed, so far, is that political power grows out owning the labour time and the product or service created by another. Thus, Capital is a social relation not only of exploitation, but also of political power.

From a history of the Paris Commune of 1871

The shelling of the 3rd April roused them a little. On the 5th, the municipal council of Lille, composed of Republican notabilities, spoke of conciliation, and called upon M. Thiers to affirm the Republic. That of Lyons drew up a like address; St. Omer sent delegates to Versailles; Troyes declared that it was ‘heart and soul with the heroic citizens who fought for their republican convictions.’ Mâcon summoned the Government and the Assembly to put an end to this struggle by the recognition of republican institutions. The Drôme, the Var, Vaucluse, the Ardeche, the Loire, Savoy, the Hérault, the Gers, and the Eastern Pyrénées, twenty departments, issued similar addresses. The workmen of Rouen declared their adhesion to the Commune; the workmen of Havre, rebuffed by the bourgeois Republicans. constituted an independent group. On the 16th April, at Grenoble, 600 men, women, and children went to the station to prevent the departure of the troops and munitions for Versailles. On the 18th, at Nimes, the people, headed by a red flag, marched through the town to the cry of ‘Vive la Commune! Vive Paris! Down with Versailles!’ On the 16th, 17th, 18th, there were disturbances at Bordeaux. Some police agents were imprisoned, some officers ill-treated, the infantry barracks pelted with stones, the people crying, ‘Vive Paris! Death to the traitors!’ The movement even spread to the agricultural classes. At Saincoin in the Cher, at the Charité-sur-Loire, at Pouilly in the Nievre, the National Guards in arms carried about the red flag. Cosne followed on the 18th, Fleury-sur-Loire on the 19th. The red flag was permanently hoisted in the Ariege; at Foix they stopped the transport of the cannon; at Varilhes they tried to run the munition trains off the lines. At Périgueux, the workmen of the railway station seized the machine-guns.